Sluicing and focus related particles in Brazilian Portuguese and Nupe

We argue that the C-element que, following fronted wh-elements and focused elements more generally in Brazilian Portuguese, is realized as Fin, rather than Foc (MENDES KANDYBOWICZ, 2021; pace MIOTO, 2001; MIOTO KATO, 2005). put together three observations from literature: (i) appearance of que contingent on wh/focus fronting; (ii) introduces a finite clause, (iii) disappears under sluicing. present novel evidence Nupe’s focus particle left-periphery element Nupe provides concrete counterexample to Merchant’s (2001) sluicing-COMP generalization. A comparison between Portuguese regarding presence nonoperator material sluicing constructions crucial establishing FinP ellipsis (BALTIN, 2010; ABOH, 2010), instead TP ellipsis, standardly assumed, well Fin element. offer an analysis captures all distributional facts, according which head with [finite] feature uninterpretable [ufoc] must be licensed by Agree higher head.